Structural Federal Reform Before the Creation of New Provinces

Restoring Inter-Provincial Equality, Constitutional Trust and National Cohesion in Pakistan

Introduction

Pakistan's debate over the creation of new provinces is usually presented as an administrative, linguistic, ethnic or population-management question. It should, however, first be examined as a question of constitutional balance, institutional equality and inter-provincial trust.

Creating additional provinces without first correcting structural weaknesses in relations between the existing federating units could merely reproduce the same problem at a smaller geographical scale.

The fundamental question should therefore be:

Should Pakistan first restructure the mechanisms through which its provinces interact with one another, distribute resources, resolve disputes and protect provincial autonomy before undertaking a major programme of creating new provinces?

The answer should be yes.

Pakistan's Constitution already contains mechanisms for managing relations between the Federation and provinces, including the Council of Common Interests (CCI), provisions concerning inter-provincial trade, water disputes and electricity. Articles 153–155 are particularly relevant to this framework. Article 155 specifically provides a mechanism for complaints concerning interference with water supplies, while Article 157 provides a constitutional route for certain electricity-related disputes through the CCI.

The problem is therefore not simply the absence of constitutional machinery.

The deeper problem is whether those institutions are sufficiently independent, balanced, transparent and trusted by every federating unit.

1. The Federation Must Protect Every Province, Not Merely the Largest Political Majority

Pakistan is a federation, not a unitary state.

A federation cannot remain politically stable if one province, because of its population, economic weight or political alignment with the Federal Government, is perceived by other provinces as capable of dominating national institutions.

The principle should therefore be:

Population may determine representation in the National Assembly, but provincial equality must remain protected in institutions designed to resolve disputes between provinces.

This distinction is essential.

Punjab's larger population is a demographic fact. It should not become a constitutional accusation against the people of Punjab.

Likewise, KP, Sindh and Balochistan must not be treated as permanent minorities whose constitutional interests can simply be overridden whenever a federal-provincial political alignment develops.

The objective must be to protect both democratic representation and federal equality.

2. The CCI Requires Structural Review

Article 153 establishes the Council of Common Interests consisting of:

the Prime Minister as Chairman;
the four Chief Ministers; and
three members of the Federal Government nominated by the Prime Minister.

Article 154 provides that decisions of the Council are expressed through the opinion of the majority.

This creates a legitimate institutional question.

If the Federal Government and the Chief Minister of the largest province are politically aligned, the other three provinces may perceive that they face a structurally disadvantaged coalition.

This does not mean that every CCI decision is automatically biased or unlawful.

It means that the constitutional architecture should be designed so that no province has reasonable grounds to fear that its fundamental inter-provincial interests can be decided through a federal-plus-one-province political majority.

This is particularly important where the dispute concerns:

water;
electricity;
natural resources;
inter-provincial commerce;
transportation;
major infrastructure;
revenue distribution;
security;
or the constitutional status of a provincial government.

3. Proposed Reform: Double-Majority Protection

A major constitutional reform should therefore be considered.

For matters directly affecting the constitutional, economic or resource interests of a particular province, a CCI decision should require:

First majority:

A majority of the total CCI membership.

Second majority:

A majority of the provincial members.

This would prevent a situation in which the Federal Government and one province could effectively determine a dispute affecting another province without sufficient provincial consensus.

For particularly sensitive matters involving:

inter-provincial water;
electricity;
major natural resources;
inter-provincial trade;
boundaries or administrative arrangements;

an even stronger special-majority or consensus requirement could be considered.

This would not weaken the Federation.

It would strengthen it.

A province is more likely to accept an adverse decision when it knows that the institution deciding the matter cannot be structurally captured by a temporary political coalition.

4. Article 151 and the Principle of Economic Freedom Between Provinces

Inter-provincial trade must not become a political weapon.

If the movement of wheat, food, fuel or other essential commodities between provinces is restricted, the legality of the restriction must be determined according to the Constitution and applicable law—not according to political disagreement between Chief Ministers.

Article 151 provides the constitutional framework concerning freedom of trade, commerce and intercourse throughout Pakistan.

Therefore, a provincial government should not be able to transform ordinary administrative control over roads, markets or transportation into an instrument for economically punishing another province.

At the same time, a province cannot claim that every restriction is unconstitutional without examining the actual legal authority, purpose and circumstances behind that restriction.

The solution is therefore:

transparent law + independent review + inter-provincial consultation.

5. The Movement and Dignity of a Chief Minister Must Be Protected

A Chief Minister is not merely a political party worker when travelling in another province.

He or she is the constitutional head of a federating unit.

If a Chief Minister of KP, Sindh, Punjab or Balochistan travels to another province, the host province retains authority over its own police and public-order administration.

But that authority must be exercised according to law.

A visiting Chief Minister should neither be permitted to command the host province's police nor be deliberately obstructed, humiliated or endangered by them.

The appropriate principle should therefore be:

Host-province authority and visiting-province constitutional dignity must coexist.

Security arrangements should be coordinated between:

the visiting Chief Minister's security team;
the host province;
and, where necessary, the Federal Government.

Any deliberate obstruction of a Chief Minister's lawful movement should be independently investigated.

The constitutional office should not become a battlefield for provincial political rivalry.

6. Allegations of Road Obstruction Require Independent Investigation

Where allegations arise that roads were deliberately obstructed, trenches were excavated, alternative routes were blocked, or a Chief Minister was forced to travel without the normal official security arrangement, the matter should not be decided merely through competing political statements.

An independent inquiry should establish:

Who ordered the road closures?
What was the written legal authority?
Was there a genuine security threat?
Were alternative routes available?
Was the visiting Chief Minister informed?
Was his security compromised?
Were ordinary public-order powers used for political purposes?
Did any official exceed lawful authority?

Only after these questions are answered should responsibility be assigned.

This protects both sides.

It protects the visiting province from unlawful treatment while protecting the host province from politically motivated accusations.

7. A Security Incident Involving a Provincial Chief Executive Must Never Become a Political Weapon

If a provincial Chief Minister suffers an attack, serious security failure or unlawful treatment while visiting another province, responsibility must be determined through evidence.

The Chief Minister of the host province should not automatically be treated as personally criminally responsible.

Likewise, the host government cannot simply disclaim responsibility if evidence demonstrates that its officials deliberately or negligently created the danger.

A proposed Inter-Provincial Dignitary Security Protocol should therefore establish:

advance notification;
security coordination;
defined responsibilities;
emergency communication;
route-security procedures;
protection of constitutional office holders;
independent inquiry after serious incidents.

This is particularly important because an incident involving a Chief Minister can rapidly become a dispute between two governments.

8. Political Accusations Concerning Terrorism Must Be Evidence-Based

Statements alleging that a neighbouring province is "sending terrorism" into another province require exceptional care.

There is a fundamental difference between:

terrorists operating from or crossing through a province

and

the government or population of that province deliberately sponsoring terrorism.

The first can be a security and intelligence matter.

The second is a grave political and constitutional allegation requiring evidence.

Generalised accusations against an entire province can produce consequences far beyond ordinary political debate.

They can encourage:

public hostility;
economic retaliation;
inter-provincial protests;
administrative confrontation;
and ultimately a breakdown of federal trust.

Therefore, allegations concerning terrorism should be presented through appropriate security, parliamentary and constitutional institutions, supported by evidence rather than collective political blame.

9. No Province Should Be Allowed to Retaliate Against Another

This is perhaps the most important principle.

Suppose:

Punjab commits an alleged unlawful act against KP.

That does not give KP a constitutional licence to commit another unlawful act against Punjab.

Similarly:

KP cannot lawfully retaliate by deliberately interfering with electricity, water, transportation or essential supplies merely because KP believes Punjab acted unlawfully first.

Likewise, Punjab cannot answer an alleged KP violation by imposing unrelated collective punishment upon the people of KP.

The constitutional principle should be:

One alleged constitutional violation cannot legalise another constitutional violation.

Otherwise Pakistan would enter a cycle of reciprocal retaliation.

10. Water Must Never Become a Political Weapon

Water is among the most sensitive inter-provincial matters in Pakistan.

Article 155 specifically provides a constitutional mechanism for complaints where the interests of a province or its inhabitants in water from a natural source or reservoir have been prejudicially affected. The CCI can consider such complaints and may seek a technical commission.

Therefore, if a province believes that another province is violating its water rights, the proper response is:

document → complain → investigate → decide → enforce.

It should never become:

political dispute → water retaliation → public confrontation.

No provincial government should deliberately manipulate water flows merely to damage another province's irrigation, electricity generation or economy.

The same principle should apply to hydropower infrastructure and inter-provincial transmission.

11. Electricity Requires Institutional Protection

Electricity generated within a province can have consequences far beyond that province.

Pakistan's constitutional framework already recognises provincial and federal dimensions of electricity and provides a role for the CCI in disputes involving electricity matters. The CCI Secretariat itself identifies Article 157 disputes concerning hydro/thermal power stations and inter-provincial transmission lines as matters falling within its constitutional framework.

Therefore, electricity supply should never become a bargaining weapon between political governments.

A provincial government should not be able to say:

"You politically opposed us, therefore we will interrupt your electricity."

Nor should the Federal Government be able to use the national electricity system to politically punish a province.

Electricity must remain governed by law, technical requirements, contractual obligations and constitutional arrangements.

12. The Judiciary Must Remain the Final Constitutional Safeguard

A federation ultimately requires an independent mechanism capable of saying:

"This government has exceeded its constitutional authority."

If citizens or provincial governments lose confidence that constitutional disputes will receive impartial and timely adjudication, the danger becomes structural.

However, allegations about political influence over judicial proceedings must be distinguished from established judicial findings.

The correct reform question is therefore:

Does Pakistan's judicial architecture provide sufficient institutional independence, transparent appointment and transfer procedures, predictable bench formation and timely hearing of constitutional disputes?

These safeguards are essential irrespective of which political party is in government.

A constitutional dispute involving two provinces should not remain unresolved indefinitely because political consequences make the matter inconvenient.

13. Special Constitutional Benches for Inter-Provincial Disputes

A major reform should establish a dedicated mechanism for disputes involving:

Federation versus Province;
Province versus Province;
inter-provincial water;
electricity;
natural resources;
trade and transportation;
CCI decisions;
provincial constitutional autonomy.

Such cases should receive:

priority listing + transparent bench formation + fixed procedural timelines + reasoned judgments.

This would reduce the temptation for political governments to solve constitutional disputes through administrative retaliation.

14. A Constitutional Cooling-Off Mechanism

Before one province takes an action that could seriously affect another province's economy or essential services, there should be a mandatory constitutional cooling-off period.

For example:

Notice → Inter-provincial consultation → CCI emergency meeting → technical assessment → temporary neutral arrangement → judicial review where necessary.

This would prevent sudden political decisions from becoming national crises.

15. Federalism Must Protect Punjab as Well

Structural reform should not be presented as an anti-Punjab project.

That would be a serious mistake.

Punjab's population, economic contribution and political influence are realities of Pakistan's federal system.

But the long-term security of Punjab itself requires a federation in which smaller provinces trust the constitutional system.

If other provinces increasingly believe that Punjab can dominate:

federal institutions;
economic decisions;
resource decisions;
security policy;
judicial administration;
and inter-provincial dispute resolution,

then resentment may increasingly be directed toward Punjab as a political entity, even though ordinary Punjabi citizens are not responsible for decisions of governments.

That would be profoundly damaging.

The objective of reform should therefore be:

Protect Punjab from becoming the permanent target of inter-provincial resentment by creating institutions in which Punjab's legitimate interests are protected without allowing any perception of Punjab's domination over other provinces.

This is not anti-Punjab.

It is ultimately pro-Pakistan and pro-Punjab.

16. The Balochistan Lesson

Pakistan should learn from the historical experience of Balochistan.

Where communities develop the perception that their resources, political voice, security concerns and constitutional interests are controlled by distant institutions, administrative disputes can gradually become questions of identity and political alienation.

The objective should therefore be to prevent similar perceptions from developing elsewhere.

The solution is not to blame an ethnic or provincial population.

The solution is to build institutions strong enough that no population believes that its constitutional future depends upon the goodwill of another province.

17. Structural Reform Should Come Before Large-Scale Creation of New Provinces

The proposal for new provinces based on population—such as creating approximately one province for every 20 million people—can have significant administrative and democratic advantages.

Smaller provinces could potentially provide:

closer administration;
more equal representation;
improved resource distribution;
better access to government;
greater political accountability;
and reduced concentration of power.

But creating additional provinces without first reforming the federal dispute-resolution architecture could simply multiply the number of provinces while preserving the same institutional weakness.

Therefore, the reform sequence should be:

Phase I — Constitutional Trust

Reform:

CCI;
inter-provincial trade protections;
water-dispute procedures;
electricity dispute mechanisms;
judicial review;
inter-provincial security protocols.

Phase II — Administrative Decentralisation

Create new provinces only after:

transparent population criteria;
geographical viability;
economic sustainability;
administrative feasibility;
public consultation;
constitutional safeguards.

Phase III — Population-Based Federal Balance

A long-term principle could be established:

No province should become so large that it permanently dominates the federation, and no smaller province should become so weak that it permanently depends upon the goodwill of larger political units.

This would convert the debate about new provinces from an ethnic contest into an administrative and democratic reform programme.

18. Proposed Constitutional Principle

Pakistan could adopt the following constitutional principle:

"The Federation shall ensure equality of constitutional status among the Provinces, protection of legitimate provincial interests, freedom of lawful inter-provincial commerce and movement, equitable access to common resources, and impartial mechanisms for resolution of disputes between the Federation and Provinces or between Provinces."

This should be accompanied by enforceable institutions rather than merely a declaration.

19. Proposed Inter-Provincial Constitutional Commission

A permanent Inter-Provincial Constitutional Commission could be established.

Its members could include:

one nominee from each province;
independent constitutional experts;
water and energy experts where technically required;
representatives of the Federal Government;
and an independent chair selected through a super-majority procedure.

Its purpose would be:

early warning of inter-provincial disputes;
fact-finding;
technical assessment;
mediation;
protection of constitutional protocol;
and preparation of matters for CCI or judicial determination.

It would not replace the courts or CCI.

It would prevent disputes from reaching the point where political retaliation becomes attractive.

20. The Ultimate Objective: Equal Dignity, Not Equal Population

Pakistan does not need to make all provinces equal in population.

It needs to make them equal in constitutional dignity.

Punjab can remain Pakistan's largest province.

KP can retain its distinctive political and geographical identity.

Sindh can protect its economic and demographic interests.

Balochistan can receive meaningful protection for its enormous geographical territory and strategic resources.

And, if new provinces are ultimately created, they should be created through transparent population, administrative and democratic criteria—not as instruments for weakening or strengthening one particular ethnic or political group.

Conclusion

Pakistan's greatest danger is not necessarily the existence of large provinces.

The greater danger is a federation in which provinces lose confidence in the institutions designed to protect them.

If a provincial government believes that another province can obstruct its Chief Minister, restrict its lawful economic activity, influence federal institutions, dominate dispute-resolution mechanisms or escape accountability, political confrontation becomes increasingly attractive.

Likewise, if a larger province believes that smaller provinces may retaliate by disrupting electricity, water, trade or transportation whenever political disagreements arise, it will increasingly favour centralisation and coercive administrative responses.

Both tendencies are dangerous.

The answer is neither provincial retaliation nor excessive centralisation.

The answer is constitutional symmetry.

Pakistan should therefore adopt a clear national principle:

No province shall be permitted to dominate another province; no province shall be permitted to punish another province; and no province shall be required to surrender its constitutional rights merely because it is politically weaker.

Before creating a large number of new provinces, Pakistan should first build a federal system in which Punjab does not have to fear becoming the target of collective resentment, and KP, Sindh and Balochistan do not have to fear becoming permanent constitutional minorities.

Only then can the creation of new provinces become an instrument of democratic decentralisation rather than another source of inter-provincial conflict.

The ultimate objective should not be:

Punjab versus KP, Sindh or Balochistan.

It should be:

Punjab + KP + Sindh + Balochistan + future provinces = an equal constitutional federation of Pakistan.

That is the structural reform Pakistan should pursue before, or alongside, any major redrawing of its provincial map.

Global Politics

Monday, September 7, 2026